To The Editor Of The Times Sir,-Sincc the immediate future of Europe appears to depend largely on Herr Hitler's intentions, it is most important that we should have a clear knowledge of exactly what those intentions are. The present crisis has shown that to be forewarned is not necessarily'to be forearmed, but it may be argued that fore- arming did not appear necessary when the warning was so incredible. Doubts are dis- pelled. and it may now be of interest to-your readers to learn the exact details of the National-Socialist Party Programme as cir- cularized to members of the party and others on February 24, 1920, four years before " Mein Kampf was written. The original 25 points were issued from Munich in the form of a circular which is-now extremely rare. I know of only one other copy, in the Nazi archives at the Brown.House. This is a literal translation, from'an original copy in my possession, of the preamble and the first three points:- "The Programme of the German Workers' Party is a ' Time-Programme ' (Zeil-Progroran). The Leaders will abstain from setting up new goals. after the attainment of the goals set out in the Programme, with the sole object of per- mitting the continued existence of the Party by artificially stimulating the appetite of the Masses. " (1) We demand the union of all Germans within a Greater-Germany on the grounds of the right of peoples to self- determination. (2) We demand equality of rights for the German people vis-a-vis other nations, and repeal of the Peace Treaties of Versailles and St. Germain. " (3) We demand land and soil (colonies) for the feeding of our people and the emigration of our surplus population." The remaining 22 points deal with racial qucstions and other internal matters, and. although they do not concern the purpose of this lctter, it is remarkable with what minute fidelity each of these 22 points has been adhered to. One might say with justice that only the above three points remain to be carried out to the letter. If we finally agree, then, that Herr Hitler means what he savs, we must also be clear in our minds whethe: there is anythin- in the above three points which runs contrary to England's interests, and, if so, whether we are prel)ared to shed Europe's blood and our own in preventing their attainment. A possible answer would be that we have no great objec- tion to Germany rega;ining her pre-War strength so long as we can be sure that she will not use that strength as she did in 1914,' or, in other words, that those three points repre- sent the absolute limit of Germany's territorial ambition. It would therefore seem that there will be no peace, no return of prosperity, and no happiness in Europe until England and France agree to the fulfilment of Hlerr Hitler's stated programme in exchange for a binding disarma- ment pact, and tihe guarantee of the traditional protective alliances of the signatory Powers. If and when Herr Hitler refuses a settlement on these lines-if, that is to say, it is madce clear that Germany already aims once again at world domination by aggression-then it will be time to organize this country on a war- time basis and announce to Germany that we shall fight at the first act of aggression against our fundamental treaty obligations. Above all, should it be necessary to make this announcement, we must hope that the basic issues will be made crystal clear to the world in the immediate future. The policy of keeping our hands free in Europe has con- fused the German nation and bewildered our own. Moral issues must be disentangled from the instinct of self-preservation, and we must state what we would fight for and why. ' ' Many people must hope that Mr. Chamber- lain will deal fully with this broader aspect of the present crisis when he addresses Parlia- ment, as it is to be presumed that it has been fully discussed in his talks with Herr Hitler. I personally hope that if he does not obtain the settlement I have outlined above he will, at any rate, put before Herr Hitler the concrete I alternative 1 mention. When it is certain that he has done neither then it will be time to turn a reluctant ear either to the dangerous counsels of tile slaughter-house brigade or to the bemused vapourings of those who long for the day when England is another Holland and out of the fight for ever. Yours faithfully, IAN L. FLEMING. I 22B, Ebury Street, S.W.l. TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES